How Could We Counter the Mainland’s Preferential Measures to Taiwan by Hatred-Mongering?

  How Could We Counter the Mainland’s Preferential Measures to Taiwan by Hatred-Mongering?

United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan)

March 3, 2018

 Translation of an Excerpt

On February 28, a group of pro-Taiwan independence youth hurled paint on Chiang Kai-shek’s mausoleum at Cihu, while President Tsai Ing-wen presided at a memorial meeting for the central government, proclaiming it would continue pursuing historical accountability. On the same day, the Mainland’s Taiwan Affairs Office under the State Council proclaimed, in a lengthy statement, “31 preferential measures,” offering generous "national treatment" to Taiwan’s businessmen, industries, education, movies and television that go to the Mainland. The government on one side keeps looking backward, trying to dig its own values from the ashes of history, while the other side, however, releases more benefits to welcome people on Taiwan, in other words, looking toward the future. In contrast, the two sides of the Strait are seemingly moving to different times.

Observing the Mainland’s 31 preferential measures to Taiwan this time, their great generosity, extensive scope, and sophisticated thinking in every way target Taiwan’s current economic, social and cultural Achilles heels. Their goals first aim at winning the hearts and minds of Taiwan people, second to poach Taiwan's talents, and third to underscore the ineffectuality of the Tsai government.

For the 31 preferential measures to Taiwan Chiu Chui-cheng, Vice Chairman of the Mainland Affairs Council, has commented by saying that this approach of "using benefits in exchange for political identification,” whose objective is to elevate the Mainland’s unilaterally beneficial economic goals. Rather than blaming the Mainland for using "carrots" to win Taiwan people’s hearts, what Tsai Ing-wen should review is why she herself could only produce "stick." For the last two years, government policies touted euphemistically as “reforms” have only brought social turmoil; the "transformational justice" being pushed forward with a high note only caused more hatred in society. How could this kind of government, even if not talking about “benefits,” win the support of the people? Moreover, the Tsai government’s obstinate cross-Strait policies have not only seriously hurt Taiwan’s tourism industry, they have also undermined the peaceful atmospherics in cross-Strait exchanges, turning Mainland compatriots who had been harboring goodwill for Taiwan to cold indifference, with losses outweighing wins.

Viewed from this perspective, in the competition for winning people’s hearts across the Strait, it could be said that Tsai Ing-wen has lost, both internally and externally. Her greater failure is endlessly mongering hatred in Taiwan, creating a social divide. How could this kind of policy resist the preferential measures for Taiwan?

[Translator’s Note: The Mainland’s measures are considered by many as a natural outcome of the DPP’s refusal to conclude both the cross-Strait services trade and merchandise trade agreements by offering unilateral benefits to Taiwan instead of insisting on mutual arrangements.]

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