Five Keys to KMT Internally Created Party Reform

 Five Keys to KMT Internally Created Party Reform

United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)

A Translation 

February 2, 2015

A Summary

Eric Chu has taken over as KMT chairman. He has issued several major statements about the future of the party. Two of them are the most crucial. One. He has proposed constitutional reform to adopt the cabinet system for the nation. Two. He has proposed that the KMT undergo internally-created reform. Chu said that "The chairman may be weak, but the party must be very strong," revealing his strategic vision. The "Cabinet System" and "internally created party reform" are closely correlated.

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Eric Chu has taken over as KMT chairman. He has issued several major statements about the future of the party. Two of them are the most crucial. One. He has proposed constitutional reform to adopt the cabinet system for the nation. Two. He has proposed that the KMT undergo internally-created reform. Chu said that "The chairman may be weak, but the party must be very strong," revealing his strategic vision. The "Cabinet System" and "internally created party reform" are closely correlated.

Political science generally classifies political parties as either "internally created" or "externally created." In the former, political power originates in the parliament. It is the form that most democracies adopt. In the latter, political power originates in the party organization. This is known as the Leninist style. The century-old KMT has undergone repeated restructuring. Yet its organization remains firmly Leninist. Therefore if Eric Chu's vision for Kuomintang comes true, he won't merely have reformed the party, he will have transformed it.

Since taking over as KMT Chairman, Eric Chu has made several major decisions. Such as: He has introduced a large number of elected representatives and local government chiefs who enjoy popular support to party posts. He has abolished the purely symbolic offices of Honorary Chairman and Honorary Vice-Chairman. He has abolished the Chung Shan Meeting, which once served as a platform for party to government coordination. He has totally changed the role of think tanks. The new Chairman clearly intends to proceed with internally created party reform. In step with cabinet system reform, future KMT decision-making could be gradually changed from the previous one-man decision to collective leadership and group decisions.

However, political party transformation is not easy. Can the KMT successfully transform itself into an elector al style party? To do so, it must master at least five keys. Key One. The party must strike a balance between being a party motivated by ideas and a party rooted in reality. In addition to internally created parties and externally created parties, there are also philosophically-based political parties and brokered-power-based political parties. Most political parties in democracies belong to the latter category. But to distinguish themselves from other political parties on the ballot, political parties must still offer clear party platforms. If the KMT wishes to become an internally created political party, then when promoting policies it must bow more to political reality. For example, proposals have recently been made for lowering the threshold for political party subsidies. Eric Chu and Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng have agreed to negotiate with the TSU using a “market bargaining” model. If this model becomes the norm, whether the KMT is an opposition party or the ruling party will not matter that much. The distinction between the KMT and other political parties will become increasingly blurred and less significant. Take cross-Strait policy for example, the most significant distinction between the two largest political parties. Will the KMT still be able to stand by its convictions? Or will it attempt to adopt the policies of other political parties? This will be one of the first challenges to confront the Kuomintang.

Key Two. Will the KMT be able to strike a balance between old and new forces and thinking? Take the recent reform of the KMT think tank for example. There appears to be a consensus within the party for reform and the adoption of Eric Chu's reform path. But Chu faces more thorny problems. Other than the think tank, they include how to assign authority to younger generation, how to deal with local factions, how to deal with traditional political forces, and how to deal with awakened voters.

Key Three. How should the KMT handle the roles of the executive and legislative branches? Over the past seven years, the Kuomintang has been the ruling party. But the executive and legislative branches often clashed, posing a major obstacle to Ma government administration. In the short term, a KMT undergoing internally created party reform will not be able to cover both these branches. Therefore the KMT party central must create a mechanism for coordinating major policy decisions.

Key Four. In the process of an internally created party reform, how will the KMT keep its party personnel flow? Chu is currently recruiting only elected officials who enjoy broad public support into the party central. This of course is the right approach. But more importantly, he must see that KMT talents to do more than hold party posts. They must also be ready to do battle by participating in elections, or serve as political appointees. In recent years, Kuomintang elected officials in both the Executive and Legislative branches, political appointees, and party workers often came from different systems. During elections or cabinet reshuffles, they often played musical chairs. This obstructed the entry of new talent. Naturally this made attracting people with talent and ability difficult. This situation must change.

And finally, Key Five. How can the KMT avoid the sole confusing problem of "players doubling as referees"? Once the party has completed internally created party reform, those who wrote the nomination and campaigning rules may well seek to become candidates themselves. If demand exceeds supply, limited resources are likely to lead to controversy, criticism, and even infighting within the party. Preventive measures must be taken. As time is running short, it’s urgent that rules of fair play must be laid out first

In all fairness, the KMT has gotten to the point where it has no choice but to reform. Internally created party reform may not be enough to get this century-old party back in running order. But all of the major political parties on Taiwan are Leninist style political parties. Trying to transform itself into a truly democratic political party ahead of others, the KMT is still worth applauding. If these keys can be mastered, and the right remedy prescribed, the KMT just might be able to rise again from the ashes.

(Courtesy of United Daily News Editorial)

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