Calibration between KMT and Hung Hsiu-chu: Building Blocks or Gears

Calibration between KMT and Hung Hsiu-chu: Building Blocks or Gears

United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)

A Translation

July 9, 2015

Executive Summary:

Noises emerged in the uneasy calibration between the KMT and Hung Hsiu-chu. First of all “nativist” faction threatened to jump ship. Then the party central demanded that in her discussions of cross-Strait policy, Hung Hsiu-chu revert to the language used in the KMT party platform. Finally, the DPP and PFP pounced on every opportunity to make trouble. As a result, Hung Hsiu-chu's poll numbers have fallen. The KMT and the Hung Hsiu-chu campaign must find a modus vivendi.

Full Text Below:

Noises emerged in the uneasy calibration between the KMT and Hung Hsiu-chu. First of all “nativist” faction threatened to jump ship. Then the party central demanded that in her discussions of cross-Strait policy, Hung Hsiu-chu revert to the language used in the KMT party platform. Finally, the DPP and PFP pounced on every opportunity to make trouble. As a result, Hung Hsiu-chu's poll numbers have fallen. The KMT and the Hung Hsiu-chu campaign must find a modus vivendi.

The KMT Central Standing Committee confirmed Hung Hsiu-chu as its Presidential candidate 20 days ago. Yet the KMT and the Hung campaign are still not on the same page. Interaction between the two remains troubled. The party has yet to campaign on behalf of Hung Hsiu-chu. It seems that the KMT has yet to treat her in earnest as the official KMT candidate. Meanwhile, Hung Hsiu-chu seemingly remains stuck in the primary victory, when she made her breakthrough. She does not seem to realize she must offer a more inclusive strategy in order to win wider public support. If Hung Hsiu-chu cannot make her own political party feel at ease, how can she make voters feel at ease?

On the other hand, Hung Hsiu-chu's “One China, One Interpretation” formulation has provoked an uproar. Actually, attacks from outside the party were rare. Skeptics within the party were abundant. In fact, it is much ado about nothing. Does Eric Chu really not know whether Hung Hsiu-chu is Red or Blue? Yet as soon as outsiders attack, the entire party goes into a panic. In fact, Hung Hsiu-chu is merely defending the orthodoxy of the Republic of China. She is merely defending peaceful development for Taiwan. She may use different terminology than the party traditionally uses. She may be guilty of an occasional slip of the tongue. Something she said may be misinterpreted. But if so, the KMT should help clarify any misunderstanding, not kick her when she is down. Yet noises within the party persist. Eric Chu has urged Ma Ying-jeou to have a tête-à-tête talk with Hung Hsiu-chu. Clearly the chasm between the party leadership and the Hung camp remains wide, and trust between the two remains scarce. Clearly the KMT lacks the will to fight, and still has its finger in the wind.

The KMT may be a political party with a short memory. But the rest of us remember quite well. Back in May, Wu Den-yih, Wang Jin-pyng, and Eric Chu declared they would not run. The outside world was aghast with commentaries. Blue camp supporters were shocked beyond words. Later, amid cries that "The A-list candidates are too afraid to run", Hung Hsiu-chu, a "B-list candidate" broke through. She rallied Blue camp supporters. She touched their hearts. She generated real political momentum. Now if the KMT would destroy this opportunity, or if it would think other expedients existed to allow somebody else replacing Hung, that would be the epitome of ignorance.

Hung Hsiu-chu got a late start. Therefore, she must not employ the KMT's traditional campaign tactics: Those that call for carefully structured plank and beautifully packaged lengthy narratives. Instead, she must adopt guerrilla tactics. She must emphasize her unique character. She must score victories through unconventional warfare. In this case, the calibration between her and the KMT can adopt two different approaches of campaigning. One is "gear mode". For this, the Hung campaign must be on the same page as the party platform. There cannot be the slightest error. Otherwise, if the gears become stuck, the campaign will falter. The other is "building block mode". The party and the candidate can complement each other, echo each other, and fill in for each other. They can adopt a looser approach. They can play off each other, and not fuss over whether they are reciting the same sutra, word for word.

Consider cross-Strait policy. Hung Hsiu-chu has attempted to adopt a more proactive approach for narrating cross-Strait relations. She has offered a number of new ideas. But her terminology departs from traditional KMT usage, making it susceptible to exaggeration and vilification by her political rivals. Such issues are easy to obfuscate, but difficult to explain to the public in a succinct manner. In such cases, Hung Hsiu-chu must adopt a "gear mode" and speak with the same voice as the party, so as not to affect the KMT legislative campaigns. Relatively, on other issues, the KMT is often overly cautious and colorless. On these issues, Hung Hsiu-chu's straight shooting style may win the support of different demographics.

Lest we forget, in any election, the ruling party is always the one under attack. The Ma administration today is defenseless. If the KMT clings to its traditional style of defense, and demands that Hung Hsiu-chu comply with the party's red tape and rules, she will be utterly hamstrung. Worse still, the DPP and PFP are looking on, ready to pounce. If the KMT fails to formulate its own campaign strategy, external provocations and internal gripes will leave the party frightened and in disarray. That will not help the campaign in any way. If the party imposes too many internal restrictions, if it openly points the finger at Hung Hsiu-chu without prior communicating with her, or if it publicly derides the Hung Hsiu-chu camp as overstepping he bounds, then that will only undermine Hung's image as a straight shooter and sabotage the party's own chances of victory.

How much potential Hung Hsiu-chu has remains to be seen. But what is more worrisome is that the KMT itself is not fully prepared to support and stump for this female leader who is to do battle. Certain party members are even stabbing her in the back. Yet the party central does nothing to stop them. If this is the party's attitude, how can Hung Hsiu-chu possibly increase her poll numbers? Both the party and the Hung campaign must enhance their calibration and cooperation by immediately establishing smooth and efficient channels of communication.

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