Rethinking One Country/Two Systems on the 20th Anniversary of Hong Kong’s Return

 Rethinking One Country/Two Systems on the 20^th Anniversary of Hong Kong’s Return

China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)

June 28, 2017

 Translation of an Except

July 1 marks the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return; Mainland China President Xi Jinping arrived in Hong Kong on June 29 to attend a series of celebrations and deliver an address. As a showcase for "one country, two systems," Hong Kong has experienced laughter and tears, glory and frustrations in the past 20 years. For Taiwan, we not only need to examine objectively the Hong Kong experience in "one country, two systems," but even more need to ponder the role and possible status in the future of "one country, two systems" in cross-Strait relations.

In 2003, SARS devastated Hong Kong; subsequently, Beijing and the SAR signed CEPA, opening up to Mainland tourists for individual travel, establishing an RMB offshore banking center, and implementing other measures to support Hong Kong with every effort. In the past 20 years, because of China’s rise, Hong Kong has benefited from the support of Beijing policies and the Mainland's huge market and resources, thus its economy has grown rapidly. Hong Kong not only has retained its position as the world's second largest IPO capital-raising center, it is also the fourth largest port, the seventh largest trade entity in the world, and the freest and most competitive economy in the world. In addition, Hong Kong is the Asia-Pacific regional headquarters for global businesses.

During British colonial rule, Hong Kong had neither legislative power, the right to vote, nor the right to participate in international affairs. After its return, Hong Kong not only has the judicial power of final appeals, elections of the Legislative Council, but also joins international organizations under the name of the SAR government. The government of Hong Kong believes that the foundation for Hong Kong's future prosperity and development is precisely “one country, two systems.” “One country, two systems” has smoothly included Hong Kong in the system of national governance; the central government implements effective rule over Hong Kong and at the same time, realizes the fundamental guideline of Hong Kong governed by Hong Kongers and a high degree of autonomy. As a whole, Hong Kong has maintained basic economico-social prosperity and stability.

"One country" has allowed Hong Kong to enjoy the maximum dividends of China's rise. "Two systems," on the other hand, ensures that Hong Kong is governed by Hong Kongers and a high degree of autonomy. Pan-democracy and Hong Kong independence groups blame the Mainland, wholesale, for Hong Kong's social, economic, cultural and other problems, echoing in mentality across a great distance Taiwan independence factions, these anti-China appeals, however, cannot sustain the scrutiny of time. China's rise may indeed create pressure of competition, but it can be mutually beneficial when facing competition.

In reality, sovereignty over Hong Kong was handed back to China from the United Kingdom; Taiwan is now not a colony. The sovereignty over Taiwan has always belonged to China. The mode for reunification and the mutual relationship following reunification naturally are different. The “one country, two systems” à la Hong Kong is not applicable to Taiwan for obvious reasons. Moreover, observing the ups and downs of cross-Strait relations over the past 40 years, as long as Taiwan accepts one China, cross-Strait relations are smooth, with disputes easily resolved. The DPP government should bravely develop creative thinking vis-à-vis the design of "one China," proposing the most advantageous edition of "two systems." If it could reach a consensus with Beijing, creating the maximum space for “one country, two systems” it could be the best way out for Taiwan, and the best option for the people on both sides of the Strait.

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