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Why Difficulty for Setting up the Legislative Yuan Cross-Strait Select Committee?

icon2009/04/03
iconBrowse:975

Why Difficulty for Setting up the Legislative Yuan Cross-Strait Select Committee?
 
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
 
March 30, 2009
 
A SUMMARY
 
When Chen Shui-bian dropped his "One Country on Each Side" bombshell, he immediately put a damper on cross-Strait exchanges. A Cross-Straits Select Committee of the Legislative Yuan, whose membership composition would correspond to that of the Legislative Yuan, found itself promptly mired in a Blue vs. Green partisan dispute. Democratic Progressive Party members boycotted the proposed Select Committee, and even accused it of infringing upon the Constitutional authority of the Legislative Yuan's Domestic Policy Committee and the Constitutional authority of the President. Both ad hoc groups on cross-Strait affairs in the Presidential Office and the Legislative Yuan were now shut down. What Chen Shui-bian refused to do, Ma Ying-jeou must give it his careful consideration. The Legislature must participate in the formulation of cross-Strait policy. A Cross-Strait Select Committee set up by the Legislative Yuan is reasonable thinking.
 
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See full text of the editorial below
 
The KMT and the DPP always sing a different tune depending upon whether they are in or out of power. Over the past nine years, Taiwan has had two different ruling parties. The thinking and rhetoric of the two major political parties has always varied depending on whether they were in or out of power. A typical example is their attitude toward the setting up of a Legislative Yuan Select Committee on cross-Strait affairs.
 
Years ago the government wished to invite broad segments of society to participate in formulating cross-Strait policy. During the Lee Teng-hui administration the National Unification Council invited Kang Ning-hsiang and other DPP members to participate. These invitations triggered conflicts within the Democratic Progressive Party. In 2000, Taiwan underwent ruling party change. Chen Shui-bian immediately set up a "Bipartisan Cross-Strait Group," with Lee Yuan-tse as convener. The purpose of the group was to replace the now hollowed-out National Unification Council. Lee Yuan-tse had his own ideas about cross-Strait exchanges. Chen Shui-bian was also aggressive about cross-Strait policy. His bipartisan group went so far as to arrive at three understandings and four recommendations that clashed with the beliefs of Democratic Progressive Party fundamentalists. Among the most important recommendation was that the "One China" issue ought to be dealt with by referring to the ROC Constitution.
 
But the Kuomintang, which had just lost power, refused to take part in the non-partisan group. It felt the party with a ruling majority in the Legislative Yuan had the right to direct cross-Strait affairs. Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jin-pyng, the highest ranking member of the KMT at the time, first proposed this idea. By the end of June 2000 the Legislative Yuan had prepared a draft proposal for setting up “ The Legislative Yuan Mainland Policy and Cross-Strait Affairs Select Committee". Half a month later the Legislative Yuan issued a version approved by both parties. By the end of the year they were even holding meetings on Three Mini-Links. Not only did Democratic Progressive Party members not reject the bill, their representatives put their signatures to it. But shortly thereafter, Chen Shui-bian dropped his "One Country on Each Side" bombshell, immediately putting a damper on cross-Strait exchanges. The Cross-Straits Select Committee, whose membership composition would correspond to that of the Legislative Yuan, found itself promptly mired in a Blue vs. Green partisan dispute. Democratic Progressive Party members boycotted the Select Committee, and even accused it of infringing upon the Constitutional authority of the Legislative Yuan's Domestic Policy Committee and the Constitutional authority of the President. Thereafter, be the ad hoc groups within the Presidential Office and the Legislative Yuan were shut down.
 
After the Presidential election in 2000, the KMT lost its influence on cross-Strait decision-making, but not the desire to participate. In this context, a KMT/CCP forum was established. Pan Blue leaders visited the Mainland one after another, competing for the right to formulate cross-Strait policy. Therefore, Wang Jin-pyng, who is the Speaker of the National Legislature, was never able to visit the Mainland in his official capacity. But he never abandoned the idea of strengthening the influence of the Legislative Yuan. From 2000 onwards, he periodically called upon the Legislative Yuan to set up a Cross-Strait Select Committee, especially before and after the Legislative Yuan elections.
 
Wang's hope never became a reality. One reason was that the KMT/CCP forum ignored Chen Shui-bian's "active management," i.e., obstructionism, and bypassed the Legislative Yuan.
 
Cross-Strait exchanges are of the utmost importance to Taiwan. During the Chen administration the DPP refused to allow the Legislative Yuan to set up a Cross-Strait Select Committee. They were worried about the Pan Blue Camp's greater numbers. They were worried they couldn't control the Chen administration's policy of contracting existing ties with the Mainland. Unfortunately, after nine years, the KMT, which has regained control of the government, and which enjoys a supermajority in the Legislative Yuan, has completely forgotten how forcefully it argued on behalf of a Cross-Strait Legislative Yuan Select Committee, and how it demanded that the government's cross-Strait policy be subject to Legislative Yuan oversight and checks and balances. Now the gentleman who urges that the Legislative Yuan set up a Cross-Strait Select Committee is still Wang Jing-pyng. But now the situation is reversed. The Democratic Progressive Party is now calling for the establishment of such a select committee in a letter to Speaker Wang. The KMT is now refusing, citing the same reasons as the DPP.
 
The Ma administration took office on May 20 last year. It has been forced to cope with the global economic crisis. Cross-Strait affairs has become its highest priority. Both the quality and quantity of the Mainland affairs have been increased. Within less than a year, this increase or improvement has surpassed the last twenty years under Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian. The Ma administration, particularly the President, must incorporate the views of the Legislature into its policymaking process. This includes major and minor cross-Strait policies, including those that might affect national sovereignty, and also those that would affect the real interest of people’s lives. The right to administer cross-Strait policy does not mean the right to act arbitrarily and unilaterally. These affairs affect everyone. For example, Premier Liu opposes a plebiscite on an agreement on cross-Strait economic cooperation. But besides the Legislative Yuan, what mechanisms do we have to ensure that the policies have been subjected to the scrutiny by public opinion? Demands that the Legislative Yuan participate in the decision-making process are an integral part of our Constitutional system. Besides, the KMT commands a supermajority. What does it have to fear?
 
Cross-Strait issues are the most controversial of all. The Legislature should be involved. Legislative participation will blunt objections from both the ruling and opposition parties. Providing of course that they reach agreements on key issues such as cross-Strait agreements should be first signed and then be reviewed by the Legislature. The Legislature should take part in the process. Legislative participation will provide a buffer for cross-Strait negotiations. Legislative participation will prevent policy disputes from getting out of control and spilling onto the streets. The government should now work on ways how to set up a Legislative Yuan Cross-Strait Select Committee, and not spin its wheels debating whether it should be set up or not.
 
What Chen Shui-bian refused to do, Ma Ying-jeou should give it careful consideration. The Legislature must participate in the formulation of cross-Strait policy. A Cross-Strait Select Committee set up by the Legislative Yuan is reasonable thinking.
 
 
 
(Courtesy of United Daily News)

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