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The Tsai Gov’t Should Know US Diplomatic Strategy Has Changed

icon2017/06/22
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 The Tsai Gov’t Should Know US Diplomatic Strategy Has Changed

 United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)

June 19, 2017

 Translation of an Except

After Panama broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan, President Tsai accused Beijing of manipulating "one China" to suppress Taiwan's international breathing space, and threatened that the government would reassess the cross-Strait situation. In fact, what is more noteworthy is the changing US position. The diplomatic turn of direction on the part of Panama is tantamount to an onslaught of Chinese influence in the US’ backyard. During the episode, we did attempt to ask the United States to offer its good offices, but whether because of US oversight or insufficient coordination, it failed to forestall it. When the changing situation was beyond our grasp, that is a very serious diplomatic caveat.

Since Mr. Tillerson came to office, he has on several occasions talked about being in the process of discussing US-China relations in the next five decades. The US position, indeed, merits fathoming. When Secretary of State Tillerson was asked about this in Congress, besides reiterating the US “one China policy,” he also declared that the US would abide by the Taiwan Relations Act, indicating at the same time that the United States and China were in the process of discussing bilateral relations for the next 50 years, Taiwan being a part of this discussion. He emphasized that the question was whether the "one China policy" could continue in the next five decades.

Tillerson's remarks were intriguing. For the Taiwan independence elements, it seemed that Tillerson’s statement could be interpreted as meaning that Taiwan’s future could be removed from the yoke of one China and they felt greatly encouraged. However, the interpretation on the part of diplomatic practitioners was completely different. Many worried that Tillerson’s remarks meant that Taiwan would become a part of the framework of US-China bilateral relations, in the future it will be tantamount to "US-China co-management of Taiwan," constraining even more Taiwan's situation. In any case, when the United States and China are in the process of discussing bilateral relations, it means that Taiwan is only relegated to a position "being arranged." Why the Taiwan independence elements are so elated is something that boggles the mind.

When Tillerson explained US foreign policy last May, he stated that the United States would not insist that the value systems, such as freedom and human rights, be used as prerequisites for cooperation with foreign countries, but rather seek, as a priority, US security and economic interests. When the Tsai government insisted on the national security strategy based on "coalescing with the US and Japan to counter China," Tillerson, on the other hand, said that in discussions of US-China relations, Taiwan and North Korea, the Mainland’s construction of artificial islands in the South China Sea were important elements. In other words, Taiwan is only a part of the diversified US-China relations; it is possible that the United States will use it as a bargaining chip, but it will not allow it to become an intractable variable.

Prior to coming to office, Trump did question the one China policy after the "Trump-Tsai telephone call,” but he quickly reverted to the US traditional position. However, when Trump was entangled in internal disputes and was too busy to mind other matters, plus the fact that changes have incessantly appeared in the international situation, the Tsai government, on the other hand, stayed in the pre-election strategic thinking, and remained in the euphoria emanating from Trump’s cavalier promises, thus, not knowing how to make adjustments with the passage of time. This, of course, is dangerous. Looking at the recent changes in diplomatic strategy in the United States and Japan, can the Tsai government refuse to change?

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